ࡱ>  @ bjbj .X8lll v >>>Rֹֹֹ8Re82"7777777$9R; 8>@ 88>77 06>& Yֹ $#580e8.q<Lq<H&RR&&q<>L|z 8 8RRֹ;dRRֹ Life Lessons and Common Ground: The Role of Civic Participation and Group Cohesion on Political Participation in the Latino Community Marcela Garca-Castaon Abstract This paper looks at the impact of civic participation and group cohesion/consciousness on political participation among Latino sub-groups through the lens of socioeconomic status. By understanding the role of group cohesion and civic participation, adjusted for socioeconomic status indicators (specifically education and income), Latino participation in the political arena can be better predicted. By running ordinary least square regression of the PewHispanic 2004 National Survey of Latinos data, I was able to look at the role of group cohesion, civic participation and other SES variables to determine their role in predicting political participation. I found that the strongest indicators for political participation were the variables measuring civic participation and citizenship. This points to a conditioning process for political participation among Latinos that occurs through integration at the local/community level, utilizing civic participation as a method of integration into the American political system. Introduction A large number of researches have analyzed the effects of socioeconomic factors on participation with great predictive success, yet as a predictive model of Latino political behavior, SES does not wholly explain this groups behavior. Researchers have used two approaches to account for this discrepancy. Some have incorporated civic participation and civic skills as supplements to this model arguing that what Latinos lack in SES (education, age, income), they make up for through civic skill development (Verba, S., Brady, H.E., and Schlozman, K.L 1995; Garcia 2003; McClain, P.D., & Stewart, J. 2006; DeSipio 1996; Dawson 1994; Martinez 2005; Leighley 1996; Leighley and Vedlitz 1999). Others utilize a group cohesion approach to the SES model, adapting the linked fate phenomena found in the African American community to Latinos (e.g. Sanchez (2006); Stokes (2003) and Leighley (1996). Group cohesion explains the mobilization of individuals towards participation when their group is threatened, disadvantaged, or a population minority. Both the civic participation and group cohesion models help explain the intricacies of Latino political behavior, as well as fill the gaps left by the SES model as applied to Latinos. Yet to my knowledge, these models have never been tested simultaneously. In this paper, I seek to unify these three perspectivessocioeconomic status, group cohesion and civic participationinto a single model. Understanding the roles of group cohesion and civic participation is imperative, especially when taking into account that among Latino groups, political behavior and participation is most likely exerted and practiced at the local and regional level, where group cohesion and civic participation are most likely to develop. High regional concentrations of Latinos (90% of Latinos are concentrated in 9 states (Garcia 2003, 106)), enable a strong potential influence by Latinos on local politics, as many researchers have noted (see Barreto, M.A., Segura, G.M., & Woods, N.D. 2006; Machiarola, F.J., & Diaz, J.G. 1993; Sonenshein & Pinkus 2005; Martinez 2005). As these authors have posited, and specifically Barreto et.al. (2006), it is perhaps the civic participation in the Latino community that can be a source of increased group cohesion. By simultaneously exploring the interdependent and independent effects of group cohesion and civic participation on political participation in Latino communities, I can determine whether previous finding were incorrect due to the exclusion of one or the other of these factors. Literature Review Much of the literature in the past has used socioeconomic status (SES) as a primary determinant of political behavior on the basis that higher SES (education and income) allow for more social resources, like time, money, and civic skills necessary for participation in political events (Verba, S., Brady, H.E., and Schlozman, K.L 1995; Garcia 2003; McClain, P.D., & Stewart, J. 2006; DeSipio 1996; Marschall 2001). However, the complex nature of race in American society can often have a distinct effect on the influence of SES. As a result, though SES factors can have a good predictive value in determining political behavior, they do not fully explain the political behavior of Latinos. Identification as political actors in the American systems is a key to understanding how Latinos perceive their role and efficacy in American Politics. The role of descriptive and substantive representation on political participation for Latinos through their elected officials is influenced by the perceptions of both party concerns for Latinos and the targeting of Latinos for mobilization. DeSipio (1996) notes that a distancing by Latinos from political parties can also account for lower levels of political participation (p 49). This is relevant in understanding the impact of limitations placed on the political opportunities available for Latinos. In the current two party dominated system, opportunities for participation through party membership become limited if neither party is perceived as representative of Latinos. Furthermore, other researchers have also posited that Latino identification in the two party system extends into perceptions of discrimination, and to some extent a linked fate or group consciousness explanation for political behavior (Stokes 2003; Cain, Kiewiet and Uhlaner 1991; Sanchez 2006; Dawson 1994). Regardless of whether Democrat or Republican, Latinos that identify with a party are expected to be more likely to participate at higher levels than their non-partisan counterparts, making partisan identity a factor in determining political participation overall. Garcia (2003) makes the case that Latinos tend to be highly active in politics at the local level, hinting that a focus on local elections can often lead to increased political mobilization/ participation for various ethnic groups (p 141). Most recently, the mobilization of Latinos to the polls has occurred as a result of state or local legislation that negatively targeted Latino groups.. Propositions in various states addressing affirmative action, bilingual education and immigrant rights have served to increase Latino participation in local and statewide politics. Leighley (1996) expands on this, analyzing the role of intentional and unintentional mobilization of the Latino community, explaining that participation is sporadic when dictated by political elites and their mobilization efforts (p 460). These patterns of mobilization may appear temporary, but as Latinos start to permeate the local political offices, the expansion into higher levels of government as Senators, House Representatives and other elected positions will soon follow. Mobilization at these local levels is a key measure in this study as it relates to motivations for political participation within the Latino community. Mobilization towards participation in civic community activities becomes vital to measuring the subsequent participation in political activities. Mobilization, in this study, is indirectly measured and must be inferred from participation levels due to data set limitations. The central claims that researchers have on group cohesion/consciousness range from finding no consistent relationship between participation and group cohesion to finding a strong relationship between group consciousness/cohesion and political participation (Leighley and Vedlitz 1999; Leighley 1996;Sanchez 2006; Stokes 2003). Relevant literature on the idea of group cohesion/consciousness among other groups can also be applied. The idea of a linked fate among African Americans is posited to explain the political behavior of the African American community (Dawson 1994; McClain, P.D., & Stewart, J. 2006). Dawson (1994) describes linked fate as the perception that what happens to the group happens to the individual. Though group cohesion/consciousness is more broadly described than linked fate in much of the literature as it refers to the realization of commonality among groups than a perception of direct impact, the theoretical foundation is still relevant to understanding the role of group cohesion/consciousness on the Latino community. Models of behavior for African Americans have shown the distinct understanding of a linked fate, where individuals believe the fate of the group is the fate of the individual (Tate 2003). Despite their distinct socio-cultural differences, the tendency for Latinos to be homogenized implies a similar idea: the fate of the group will be the fate of the individual. Thus, as their fates are linked, their behavior, political and otherwise, would reflect a desire to unify and participate in their community for the betterment of the group. As their group cohesion increases, they are more likely to engage in both civic and political activities within their community, thus developing civic skills to supplement deficiencies in SES like education or resources. Group cohesion, on the other hand, involves a more complex understanding of social constructions of the group. Sanchezs (2006) explanation of the three components of group cohesion are a good foundation for understanding Latino (as well as other minorities) group cohesion/consciousness. Sanchez outlines that 1) a shared sense of commonality/identity, 2) perception of discrimination against the group, and 3) the desire to improve the overall status of the group help to determine levels of group cohesion (p 434-5). Various scholars have contradictory evidence of the influence of group cohesion or group consciousness on political participation in the Latino community. Primarily, this study focused on two authors, Stokes (2003) and Sanchez (2006) to emphasize that group cohesion can in fact have a positive influence (i.e. increase) on the level of political participation of Latinos as a whole. Furthermore, the work on group cohesion by Stokes (2003), defines the occurrence of group consciousness when the individual experiences a sense of belonging to the group as well as a conscious commitment to the goals and betterment of the group. This definition became the more general guideline for the selection of variables for the group cohesion index used in this analysis. Stokes general definition of group consciousness relies on three factors: identification with a pan-ethnic label (Latino, Hispanic, or Spanish American); a dissatisfaction with the political and social status or resources of the group; and a belief that such limitations in resources are the results of structural problems. Though Stokes (2003) contends that group consciousness is in fact statistically significant in predicting political participation, further analysis of the three main sub-groups of Latinos (Mexican, Puerto Rican and Cuban) demonstrates that each sub-group responds differently to group consciousness stimuli. Historical differences, both in the incorporation of each sub-group and their current political status, coupled with geographic/spatial concentrations that limit inter-group contact, as well as the fact that only 25% of all Latinos tend to use a pan-ethnic identify, further limit the ability of Latinos to form a cohesive pan ethnic group consciousness (Stokes 2003). Overall, Stokes (2003) found that each subgroup responded differently to the variables constructing group consciousness, requiring a complex and multi dimensional construction of such variables depending on the ethnic group in question. As Verba et. al. argues, civic participation allows for the explanation that individuals with lower SES can acquire the same (or similar) organizational skills acquired through a formal education (Verba, S., Brady, H.E., and Schlozman, K.L 1995). If higher education allows for the acquisition of resources that facilitate political participation, civic participation can provide an alternative method of acquiring such resources for individuals without access to higher education. Civic participation, as Verba explains, is less stratified by SES since much of the civic skills acquired are at the churches, work, or community organizations (which do not necessarily require any formal education for participation) (p 271). Thus, the role of civic participation is indicative of the number of resources available to individuals; as such resources increase, the likelihood of political participation will also increase. Furthermore, as Diaz explains, the associational identify that develops from engagement in activities can help to mobilize and promote participation among Latino groups. Research on civic participation has thus far focused on the engagement of individuals in their civic lives, (Verba, S., Brady, H.E., and Schlozman, K.L 1995; Martinez 2005; Marschall 2001). Many of these activities take form as volunteering for work-related, religious, or community organizations with no specific political agenda (Verba, S., Brady, H.E., and Schlozman, K.L 1995). This separation of civic participation from political participation is centered on the role of the community in civic engagement, rather than a particular political institution (like parties, elected office, etc.). The relevance of this distinction is its indication or measure of potential for political participation. Individuals that are contributing civic agents may develop civic skills like interpersonal communication, organization, or public speaking, necessary skills for participation in political organization and activities. Furthermore, as these individuals become involved in their civic organizations, the assumption is that they will ultimately also face the need to engage the political realm on behalf of that organization. The development of these civic skills thus becomes imperative to the development of the Latino political participant. Theory I argue that it is the development of group cohesion, coupled with increases in civic engagement and participation in community activities that help increase Latino political participation. Verba et. al (1995) explains that the civic skills learned from participating in the overall community can often help elevate the political participation levels of the individual (p 271). Furthermore, as Verba et. al. (1995)demonstrate, it is these civic skills, developed through participation in community, work related, or religious organizations, that help provide the civic skills needed for individuals to become politically active in the community within the community (p 275). Understanding the contribution to political participation that comes from civic/community participation will lead to a more integrative and accurate predictive model for Latino political participation. As civic skills like communication, networking, and leadership are developed through participation, Latinos political participation will increase. The effect of group cohesion on the development of these skills is linked specifically to motivation for participation. Closeness to group members, as well as a sense of group unity can motivate and mobilize group members to participate in their civic and political communities. As a unique and diverse demographic, Latinos are also influenced greatly by a number of other factors. Nativity, race, Immigration, education, language, income and multiple others play a distinct role on Latino political behavior. Most notably, the large percentage of foreign born Latinos creates a discrepancy in the political socialization and civic integration of Latinos. This has a direct impact on their participation levels as this segment is faced with language barriers, mistrust of a new government and unfamiliarity with cultural values and expectations. To account for participation by all Latinos without excluding this last group, I excluded voting as a variable for political participation, reasoning that citizenship was not a pre-requisite for participation in politics (as it is for voting). Family heritage/ethnicity also relate to socioeconomic factors and participation. As a diverse tapestry of cultures, Latinos of different family heritages can vary significantly in their political culture. Specific groups of Latinos react to different stimuli for mobilization, making family heritage a necessary variable for comprehending civic skills and group cohesion development and their use in various Latino communities. Family heritage/ethnicity must be distinguished since it can play a significant role in determining the societal inclusion of these groups, their political ideology and development of civic communities. However, among those authors that point to a disagreement between group cohesion and political action, (see Leighley and Vedlitz 1999; Leighley, 1996; Stokes 2003; Wilcox and Gomez 1990), they make reference to the distinct historical and social differences among Latino sub-groups as factors that may weaken group cohesion as a mobilizing factor in political participation. This hypothesis takes the statistical model that follows: Y (political participation index)= a+ b1(civic participation)+b2(group cohesion) +b3(education)+b4(income)+b5(Democrat)+b6(Republican)+b7(Independent)+b8(citizenship status)+b9(Mexican)+b10(Puerto Rican)+b11(Cuban)+b12(Dominican)+b13 (male)+b14 (age) HYPOTHESIS By accounting for differences among different ethnic groups, citizenship status, gender, and party identification, we can understand how civic participation for specific Latino populations can help predict their political participation. The conscious effort in this study to incorporate both the role of group cohesion and the role of civic participation into a predictive model of behavior is essential since both variables have been posited to individually explain increases in political participation. Accounting for both variables in this study is the groundwork for future research into the interdependent roles of civic participation and group cohesion on political participation. This general theory motivates the following hypothesis and sub-hypothesis: H1: As levels of group cohesion increase, levels of political participation will increase. H2: As levels of civic participation increase, levels of political participation will increase. Hsub: Demographic variables (age, gender, income, education, citizenship) will be statistically insignificant in predicting participation, controlling for levels of civic participation and group cohesion. METHODS, DATA, AND MEASURES: The data used in this paper are taken from the PewHispanic 2004 National Survey of Latino: Politics and Civic Participation. The survey was conducted between April 21st and June 9th, 2004 by telephone (using stratified random-digit-dialing) in the 48 contiguous states (PewHispanic 2004). The survey contained a randomly-selected, nationally-representative sample of 2,288 Latino adults (18 years or older). The survey was conducted in both English and Spanish, with respondents being asked their self-identification as a Latino group-origin, their citizenship status and voting registration status. The results are weighted to be more representative of the actual distribution of adults in the U.S.: the sample size and margin of sampling error for these groups is available in the following table:  The measure of political participation used as the dependent variable below is based on individuals self-reports regarding three different activities: volunteering for/being paid to work on a political campaign; attending/participating in a political meeting; and making a contribution to a political campaign. These variables were used to create an index of political participation that ranges from participation in 0 to 5 activities. I specifically exclude voting as an act of participation since I theorize that civic participation is not restricted by the same set of limitations placed on who can vote (i.e. citizenship). Since we are using Verbas (1995) model of civic participation, the varying nature of activities is justifiable since they contribute to the overall social capital of the individual. Group cohesion and civic participation are also measured using multi-item indices. The group cohesion scale was based on individuals responses to questions about discrimination, perceptions of political concern for Latinos and unity among Latinos. Civic participation is measured using the respondents volunteer experience with several different organizations, with the limitation that the included organizations not have an apparent political orientation. (see Appendix A for additional details regarding the variables used in each index, and Appendix B for frequency distributions). Both correlation and alpha analyses were conducted on the variables utilized in each index. The scale reliability coefficient for Group cohesion was .29, while for civic participation and political participation they were .59 and .69, respectively. Though the group cohesion scale reliability was low, the variables utilized followed the guidelines outlined by Stokes (2003) and Sanchez (2006) on determining group cohesion. Education and income are used as measures of socioeconomic status. Variables of citizenship, age, party identification, family heritage/ethnicity and gender are used to account for demographic and party identification differences. Using such demographic controls allows for a more accurate model by accounting for differences among various groups. Results and Analysis: The hypotheses that guided this paper were that as group cohesion and civic participation increase, political participation would also increase, with socioeconomic factors being statistically insignificant at predicting political participation as a result. The original theoretical model was as follows:  SHAPE \* MERGEFORMAT  Table 1: OLS output for theoretical model predicting political participationVariableCoef.Std. Err. P>tlatcivicparticipation*0.3090.0190.000lat_groupcoh-0.0310.0290.280Allcitz (citizenship)0.0810.009.007PID (pary identity)Education0.0630.0100.000Age0.0050.0010.000Income10.0130.0100.178FamheritageMale-.110.0410.000_cons-0.2440.1160.036*constructed indexN=1973, Adjusted R-squared=.1985In order to determine the effects of civic participation and group cohesion on political participation, OLS regressions were run. These results are reported in Table 1, which displays the OLS coefficient estimates along with their statistical significance. As shown in Table 1, civic participation was statistically significant, but group cohesion was not statistically significant. For the socioeconomic factors, education and age were statistically significant, but income was not, as shown in Table 1. Table 2: OLS output for variables in Civic Participation indexVariableCoef. (std. error)P>tvol_commun~y.652 (.053)0.000vol_latgroup.364 (.065)0.000vol_school.218 (.050)0.000vol_relgroup.218 (.045)0.000_cons.252 (.027)0.000N=2277, Adjusted R-squared=.1601For an additional test of these hypotheses, I also estimated a model that included the individual index items for group cohesion and for civic participation rather than the indices used in Table 1. These results are reported in Tables 2 and 3 and mirror those in Table 1: civic participation is statistically significant and group cohesion is not with the exception of variable poleadconcern, which measured perceptions of political leaders concern for people like the respondents (i.e. Latinos). Those that responded highly on this variable (1=strongly agreed) are predicted to not participate, since the predicted coefficient is negative, indicating an inverse relationship. Civic participation was statistically significant within the model and through its individual index variables, as shown in Table 3. The index constructed originally depicted its significance at a p-value of 0.000. Overall, civic participation was the most reliable predictive variable in the original model, as expected. Table 3: OLS output for variables in Group Cohesion IndexVariableCoef. (std. error)P>tDiscprob-.070 (.057)0.220Lworktog-.059 (.046)0.202Poleadconcern-.230 (.060)0.000_cons.798 (.064)0.000N=2246, Adjusted R-squared=.0067That group cohesion is insignificant can be explained one of two ways: there may have been methodological problems in constructing the group cohesion index that affected its impact, or that due to the influence of variables like civic participation, the impact of group cohesion was diminished in the more complete model. Because much of the literature on group cohesion/consciousness (or in some cases linked fate) point to a need for a multi-dimensional approach to categorizing group cohesion it seems less likely that these empirical estimates result from a problem with the group cohesion indexand especially since the results based on the individual items are consistent with those using the full index. Discussion and Conclusion This paper has examined the role of group cohesion and civic participation in predicting political participation in hopes of filling the gaps left by SES models as applied to Latinos. Existing literature points to various conclusions about what contributes to political participation, from the traditional socioeconomic status model, to mobilization, to group cohesion and civic participation. These have generally been one-dimensional approaches in dealing with political participation, and have left gaps in our understanding of Latino political behavior. This paper sought to bring a multi-dimensional approach to understanding the factors contributing to political participation. Its major contribution is that it is the first simultaneous analysis of the effects of both group cohesion and civic participation on Latino political behavior, and the finding that civic participation and not group cohesion is the active factor in determining and predicting Latino political behavior is also significant. The aggregate impact of group cohesion was statistically insignificant, while civic participation was statistically significant. Somewhat consistent with the SES hypothesis, income was the only indicator that was insignificant. It is important to note, however, that civic participation had a strong relationship with political participation. The work of other scholars has shown that at least a broad form of group cohesion contributes to Latino political participation (Barreto, M.A., Segura, G.M., & Woods, N.D 2004; Stokes 2003; Sanchez 2006). This suggests that previous research focusing on group cohesion alone perhaps overestimated the effects of group cohesion on Latino political behavior. Furthermore, the insignificance of income shows that financial resources do not necessarily prevent political participation among Latinos, presenting opportunity for participation in a generally low income community. The impact of citizenship, specifically, also deserves some additional notice. Though theoretically the citizenship status of an individual generally has a direct impact on their participation in their community and political realm, political participation has no citizenship prerequisite (excluding voting). Citizenship, thus, was included as a control variable to determine whether U.S. citizens, who should be more familiar with the American political system, would have higher levels of political participations. The analysis measure reported in Table 1 distinguishes between native born citizens, foreign born citizens and non-citizens. This provided a snapshot of the different levels of political integration of non-citizens and foreign born citizens, as well as the resulting political participation levels of the respondents in each category. The results showed what was expected: native citizens participate at higher levels, followed by foreign born citizens, and then non-citizens. This can be linked back to the unfamiliarity of newcomers with the American political system, as well as to a slew of other factors like language or political culture. This study provided a foundation for future work in the analysis of group cohesion and civic participation. By understanding the motivations for political participation among Latino groups, predicting levels of participation, the most likely types of participation and even to some extent, the conditions under which political participation can increase, becomes imperative to a community that is emerging as a growing electorate. As the Latino population increases, the influences of its populations participation at all levels of society will be felt, so developing a model to predict their levels of participations and the contributing factors helps to determine the rate of growth for their influence. Research to further explore the impact of group cohesion, civic participation and socioeconomic status on the political enfranchisement of Latino groups is vital to understanding this dynamic population. References Barreto, M.A., Segura, G.M., & Woods, N.D. (2004). The mobilizing effect of majority -minority districts: On latino turnout. American Political Science Review, 98 (1), 65-75. Retrieved June 27th, 2006 from Worldwide Political Science Abstracts database. Cain, B.E., Kieweiet, D.K., & Uhlaner, C.J. (1991). The acquisition of partisanship by Latinos and Asian Americans. American Political Science Review, 84(2), 377-422. Dawson, Michael C. (1994). Behind the Mule: Race and Class in African-American Politics. Princeton: Princeton University Press. DeSipio, Louis. (1996). Counting on the Latino Vote: Latinos as a New Electorate. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia. Diaz, William A. (1996). Latino Participation in America: Associational and Political Roles. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences. 18 (2). 154-174. Garcia, John A. (2003). Latino Politics in America: Community, Culture, and Interest. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, Inc. Geron, Kim. 2005. Latino Political Power. Boulder, CO.: Lynne Rienner Publishers Leighley, J. & Vedlitz. (1999). Race, ethnicity, and political participation: competing models and contrasting explanations. Journal of Politics, 61, 1092-1114. Leighley, Jan. (1996) Group membership and the Mobilization of Political Participation. Journal of Politics, 58(2), 447-463. Machiarola, F.J., & Diaz, J.G. (1993). Minority Political Empowerment in New York City: Beyond the Voting Rights Act. Political Science Quarterly, 108(1), 37-57. Marschall, M. J. (2001). Does the shoe fit? Testing models of participation for African -American and Latino involvement in local politics. Urban Affairs Review, 37(2) 227- 248. Retrieved June 27th, 2006, from PAIS International database. Martinez, L.M. (2005). Yes we can: Latino participation in unconventional politics. Social Forces, 84(1), 135-155. Retrieved June 27th, 2006, from Worldwide Political Science Abstracts database. McClain, P.D., & Stewart, J. , P.D., & Stewart, J. (2006). Can We All Get Along? Racial and Ethnic Minorities in American Politics, 4th edition. Boulder: Westview Press. Pew Hispanic Center/Kaiser Family Foundation. (2004). The 2004 National Survey of Latinos: Politics and Civic Participation. Washington, DC: Pew Hispanic Center/Kaiser Family Foundation. Sanchez, Gabriel. (2006.) The Role of Group Consciousness in Political Participation Among Latinos in the United States. American Politics Research. 34 (4). Retreived June 27, 2006 from Worldwide Political Science Abstracts database. Sonenshein, R.J., & Pinkus, S.H. (2005). Latino incorporation reaches the urban summit: How Antonio Villaraigosa won the 2005 Los Angeles mayors race. PS: Political Science & Politics, 38(4), 713-721. Retreived June 27th, 2006, from Worldwide Political Science Abstracts database. Stokes, A.K. (2003). Latino group consciousness and political participation. American Politics Research, 31(4), 361-378. Retrieved June 27, 2006, from Worldwide Political Science Abstracts database. Tate, Katherine. (2003). Black Faces in the Mirror: African Americans and Their Representatives in the U.S. Congress. Princeton: Princeton University Press. U.S. Bureau of the Census. (2003). Census Bureau releases populatin estimates by age, sex, race and Hispanic origin (CB03-16). Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Commerce. Verba, S., Brady, H.E., and Schlozman, K.L. (1995). Beyond SES: A Resource Model of Political Participation. American Political Science Review. 89(2), 271-294. Appendix A: Full List of Variables, Questions Asked and Recoded Status Key Variables Used in OLS regressionVariable name (codebook)Recode nameRecoded values Qn5: Now I want to ask you about you and your familys heritage. Are you Mexican, Puerto Rican, Cuban, Dominican, Salvadoran or are you and your ancestors from another country?  Famheritage1=Mexican 2=Puerto Rican 3=Cuban 4=Dominican 0=Salvadorian 0=Other Central America 0=Other South America 0=Jamaica 0=Trinidad/Caribbean Islands 0=Italy (dropped) 0=Africa (dropped) 0=Spain(dropped) 0=Potugal(dropped) 0=USA(dropped) 0=Other (you and your family's country of origin) (dropped) 0=Don't know(dropped) 99=Refused (dropped) Qn17+qn3: Combination of citizenship status for foreign born and native born citizens  Allcitz1=US Citizen 2=US Citizen, foreign born 3=Non-citizen 8=Dont know (dropped) 9=Refused (dropped)Qnd18: GenderGender1=male 0=female Qn64: In politics today, do you consider yourself a Republican, a Democrat, an Independent, or something else? PID1=Republican 2=Democrat 3=Independent 0=Something else 0=Dont know 0=Refused (dropped) Qn74: What is the last grade or class that you completed in school?  Education1=none, or grade 1-8 2=high school incomplete (grades 9-11) 3=High school grad 4=GED 5=Business, technical or vocational school after high school 6=Some college, no 4-year degree 7=College graduate 8=Post-graduate training/professional schooling after college 9=Refused (dropped) Qn75: What is your age? AgeAge coded from 18-98 years with corresponding value; 99=Refused (dropped) Qn79: Is your total annual household income from all sources, and before taxes:  Income1=Less than $30,000 2=$30,000 to less than $50,000 3=$50,000 or more 8=Dont know 9=Refused (dropped)**Group Cohesion Index**Lat_groupcoh Qn19a: Please tell me whether you agree with this statement: Political leaders do not care much what people like me think Poleadconcern1=Agree strongly .75=Agree Somewhat .25=Disagree somewhat 0=Disagree strongly .5=Don't know 9=Refused (dropped)Qn15: Which comes closer to your views, Hispanics/Latinos from different countries? lworktog1=Work together, yes 0=Dont work together .5=Don't know 9=Refused (dropped)Qn63: In general, do you think discrimination against Latinos is a major problem, minor problem, or not a problem in preventing Latinos in general from succeeding in America? Discprob1=Major problem .75=Minor problem 0=Not a problem .5=Don't Know 9=Refused(dropped)**Political participation index**latpolparticipationQn11a: People express their opinions about politics and current events in a number of ways. In the United States, In the past year, have you Contacted any elected official, or not? Contact_off1=Yes 0=No .5=Don't know 9=Refused (dropped)Qn11b: People express their opinions about politics and current events in a number of ways. In the United States, In the past year have you Contributed money to a candidate running for public office, or not? Contmoneycamp1=Yes 0=No .5=Don't know 9=Refused (dropped)Qn11c: People express their opinions about politics and current events in a number of ways. In the United States, In the past year have you Worked as a volunteer or for pay for a political candidate, or not? Vol_polcand1=Yes 0=No .5=Don't know 9=Refused (dropped)Qn11d: People express their opinions about politics and current events in a number of ways. In the United States, In the past year have you Attended a public meeting or demonstration in the community where you live, or not? Attendpubmeet 1=Yes 0=No .5=Don't know 9=Refused (dropped)Qn11e: People express their opinions about politics and current events in a number of ways. In the United States, In the past year have you Attended a political party meeting or function, or not? Attendpolmeet1=Yes 0=No .5=Don't know 9=Refused (dropped) **Civic participation index**LatcivicparticipationQn12a: Next I would like to talk with you about volunteer (spending time helping w/o being paid for it) activity. In the PAST YEAR have you volunteered your time to Any church or religious group? Vol_relgroup1=Yes, volunteered 0=No, did not volunteer .5=Don't know 9=Refused (dropped)Qn12b: Next I would like to talk with you about volunteer (spending time helping w/o being paid for it) activity. In the PAST YEAR have you volunteered your time to Any school or tutoring program? Vol_school1=Yes, volunteered 0=No, did not volunteer .5=Don't know 9=Refused (dropped) Qn12c: Next I would like to talk with you about volunteer (spending time helping w/o being paid for it) activity. In the PAST YEAR have you volunteered your time to Any neighborhood, business or community group? Vol_community1=Yes, volunteered 0=No, did not volunteer .5=Don't know 9=Refused (dropped)Qn12e: Next I would like to talk with you about volunteer (spending time helping w/o being paid for it) activity. In the PAST YEAR have you volunteered your time to Any organization representing your own particular nationality or ethnic or racial group? Vol_latgroup1=Yes, volunteered 0=No, did not volunteer .5=Don't know 9=Refused (dropped) Appendix B: Frequency Distributions for all recoded variables (Total N=2,288) Political Participation variables: Frequency Distribution tables Qn11a: People express their opinions about politics and current events in a number of ways. In the United States, In the past year, have you Contacted any elected official, or not?Recode ValuesFreq.PercentCum.01,96685.9385.93.530.1386.06131913.94100.00Total2,288100.00 Qn11b: People express their opinions about politics and current events in a number of ways. In the United States, In the past year have you Contributed money to a candidate running for public office, or not?Recode ValuesFreq.PercentCum.02,07190.5290.52.520.0990.6012159.40100.00Total2,288100.00 Qn11c: People express their opinions about politics and current events in a number of ways. In the United States, In the past year have you Worked as a volunteer or for pay for a political candidate, or not?Recode ValuesFreq.PercentCum.02,16094.4594.45.520.0994.5311255.47100.00Total2,287100.00 Recode of Qn11d: People express their opinions about politics and current events in a number of ways. In the United States, In the past year have you Attended a public meeting or demonstration in the community where you live, or not?Recode ValuesFreq.PercentCum.01,84480.5980.59.530.1380.73144119.27100.00Total2,288100.00 Qn11e: People express their opinions about politics and current events in a number of ways. In the United States, In the past year have you Attended a political party meeting or function, or not?Recode ValuesFreq.PercentCum.02,05489.7789.77.520.0989.86123210.14100.00Total2,288100.00 Group Cohesion variables: Frequency Distribution Tables Qn15: Which comes closer to your views, Hispanics/Latinos from different countries?Recode ValuesFreq.PercentCum.01,09748.2248.22.51898.3156.53198943.47100.00Total2,275100.00 Qn19a: Please tell me whether you agree with this statement: Political leaders do not care much what people like me thinkRecode ValuesFreq.PercentCum.035315.5015.50.2557125.0740.56.51134.9645.52.7557425.2070.72166729.28100.00Total2,278100.00 Qn63: In general, do you think discrimination against Latinos is a major problem, minor problem, or not a problem in preventing Latinos in general from succeeding in America?Recode ValuesFreq.PercentCum.042418.6618.66.5622.7321.39.7569930.7752.1611,08747.84100.00Total2,272100.00 Control Variables: Frequency Distribution Tables Qn79: Is your total annual household income from all sources, and before taxes:Recode Values (not recoded)Freq.PercentCum.less than $30,00093042.9042.90$30,000 to less than $50,00045520.9963.88$50,000 or more55925.7889.67don't know22410.33100.00Total2,168100.00 Qn74: What is the last grade or class that you completed in school?Recode Values (not recoded)Freq.PercentCum.none, or grade 1-832014.2314.23high school incomplete (grades 9-11)33815.0429.27high school grad58325.9355.20ged522.3157.52business, technical, or vocational scho1054.6762.19some college, no 4-year degree40117.8480.03college graduate33114.7294.75post-graduate training/professional sch1185.25100.00Total2,248100.00 Qn64: In politics today, do you consider yourself a Republican, a Democrat, an Independent, or something else?Recode Values (Rep, Dem, Ind, recoded individually)Freq.PercentCum.republican47021.0121.01democrat76534.2055.21independent53423.8779.08something else24010.7389.81don't know22810.19100.00Total2,237100.00 Qn17: Now we would like to ask you about US citizenship. Are you.?Recode Values (not recodedvalues 1 to 4)Freq.PercentCum.a us citizen, foreign born48237.4237.42Non-citizen78861.1898.60don't know181.40100.00Total1,288100.00 Qn3: Were you born in the United States, the Island of Puerto Rico. . .Recode Values (not recodedvalues 1 to 4)Freq.PercentCum.United States, citizen99543.5343.53Another country1,29156.47100.00Total2,286100.00 Allcitz: Complete citizenship statusRecode Values (not recodedvalues 1 to 4)Freq.PercentCum.Non citizen78834.5234.52US citizen, native born99543.5878.10US citizen, foreign born48221.11100.00Total1,288100.00 Qnd18: GenderRecode Values (not recodedvalues 1 to 4)Freq.PercentCum.Male1,04145.5045.50Female1,24754.50100.00Total2,288100.00 *Age variable excluded because of length Civic Participation Variables: Civic Participation Variables Distribution Tables Qn12a: Next I would like to talk with you about volunteer (spending time helping w/o being paid for it) activity. In the PAST YEAR have you volunteered your time to Any church or religious group?Recode ValuesFreq.PercentCum.01,48664.9864.98.540.1765.15179734.85100.00Total2,287100.00 Qn12b: Next I would like to talk with you about volunteer (spending time helping w/o being paid for it) activity. In the PAST YEAR have you volunteered your time to Any school or tutoring program?Recode ValuesFreq.PercentCum.01,67873.3473.34.530.1373.47160726.53100.00Total2,288100.00 Qn12c: Next I would like to talk with you about volunteer (spending time helping w/o being paid for it) activity. In the PAST YEAR have you volunteered your time to Any neighborhood, business or community group?Recode ValuesFreq.PercentCum.01,76277.0177.01.520.0977.10152422.90100.00Total2,288100.00 Qn12e: Next I would like to talk with you about volunteer (spending time helping w/o being paid for it) activity. In the PAST YEAR have you volunteered your time to Any organization representing your own particular nationality or ethnic or racial group?Recode ValuesFreq.PercentCum.01,99087.0187.01.570.3187.32129012.68100.00Total2,287100.00 Indices Distribution Tables latpolparticipationRecode ValuesFreq.PercentCum.01,55467.9567.95.560.2668.21137716.4884.701.510.0484.7421898.2693.002.510.0493.053893.8996.944411.7998.735291.27100.00Total2,287100.00 latcivicparticipationRecode ValuesFreq.PercentCum.01,06646.6346.63.540.1746.81156124.5471.351.510.0471.39236315.8887.272.540.1787.4532249.8097.243.520.0997.334612.67100.00Total2,286100.00 Gc_groupcohRecode ValuesFreq.PercentCum.0401.771.77.25452.003.77.518.804.57.751145.069.62127212.0621.691.252059.0930.781.51687.4538.211.7532314.3252.55244419.6972.242.251536.7879.022.51446.3985.412.751797.9493.3531506.65100.00Total2,255100.00  The term group consciousness and group cohesion are used almost interchangeably through the paper. Though group consciousness involves the acknowledgement of membership to a disadvantaged group (Stokes 2003), group cohesion has been similarly defined with the addition of a desire to ameliorate the disadvantaged status (Sanchez 2006).     PAGE  M. 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