ࡱ>             r q` bjbjqPqP 'b::#s,!^D, , ,  ccc8cTHd,'&^eeeeehh h$hXˁ, [{eh@h[{[{ˁee|||[{(8e, e|[{|| , |ete qY,c{(|~0&|D{6D|D, |hBox|s!w:hhhˁˁ|hhh&[{[{[{[{'''9xaD'''xa@   ,  A Nativity Scene? Political Participation Among the Latino Electorate Erin K. Melton Lincoln University 2005 Annual American Political Science Meeting September 3, 2005 Abstract Virtually little is known about the levels of political participation among Latinos. As the Latino population continues to grow, questions form concerning the differences in political participation between native-born and naturalized Latinos. Whereas traditional forms of participation were sufficient in the past to measure political behavior, it is now evident that political scientists must broaden the range of political possibilities to include an influx of younger, well-educated Latinos. Based on a national sample of native-born and naturalized Latinos, I find that the levels of political participation are comparable. More generally, the findings indicate the need to devise contemporary methods of measuring the multifaceted nature of the Latino population. Introduction Understanding the role of Latinos in the American political process is an increasingly important task. The explosive growth of the Latino population in the United States has increased scholarly interest in Latino political behavior. This began when the release of the 1980 Census documented the first wave of what would become a continuous massive inflow of Latino immigrants (de la Garza 2004). Latinos have surpassed African Americans as the largest minority group in the United States (U.S. Census Bureau 2003). There are now more than 35 million Latinos who live in the United States (Highton & Burris 2002). This demographic change has altered the face of American politics. Stokes (2003) notes, During the 2000 presidential election, both major political parties significantly increased their efforts to appeal to Latino voters (p.361). Studies on Latino political participation in terms of voting and registration have previously been conducted (DeSipio 1987, 1996; Bass & Casper, 2001; Garcia & Falcon, 1996; Jones-Correa, 1998; Leighley & Nagler, 1992: Lien 1994). Here, I will discuss the difference in Latino political participation concerning nativity status. Nativity status is defined by whether an individual is a native-born or naturalized citizen within the context of the United States. However, instead of solely defining political participation in its traditional manner, I have factored in multiple ways to participate. Within my definition of political participation, I have incorporated the acts of contacting elected officials, donating money, volunteerism, or attending a politically oriented function, meeting, or demonstration. I expect that native-born Latinos, women in particular, older in age, those with higher levels of education and income, are more likely to participate politically than naturalized Latino citizens, all else being equal. In this study, I will test a multivariate regression model to determine the differences in political participation among native-born and immigrant Latinos. Literature Review Most of the existing studies on minority political participation have focused on African Americans and traditional forms of political participation. As a result, questions regarding other ethnic groups remain unanswered. Only recently have political scientists begun to empirically study Latino political values, attitudes, and behavior (Affigne, Avalos, & Jackson, 1999). The relative lack of attention to Latino voting and some of the shortcomings of the studies that do exist can be traced to the lack of accurate data. Due to the considerable rise in the Latino population, more research on the political behavior of Latinos is certainly warranted. As Bass and Casper (2001) have written, Most research on Hispanic participation draws on regional samples, so that results are not representative of the national population of Hispanics. There is a need to analyze the voting behavior of naturalized citizens using a nationally representative sample (p.484). Currently, there is a prevailing desire to understand why some individuals participate and some do not. When examining the political behaviors of the Latino population, nativity status is a determinative factor. Nativity status is defined by whether naturalization and political participation is critical to the Latino population (Pantoja, Ramirez, & Segura, 2001). The availability of data that is concentrated on nativity status allows us to answer questions such as: Do naturalized immigrants vote and register at the same level as native-born citizens? What accounts for the variation in electoral participation among naturalized citizens? (Bass & Casper, 2001) With regard to voting, scholars have been drawn to the rule of nativity, theorizing and attempting to empirically investigate whether there exist turnoff differences between native-born and naturalized citizens (Highton & Burris, 2002). This debate has fostered opinions from W.K. Tam Cho and Louis DeSipio whose views contrast concerning the significance of nativity. In agreement with the importance of nativity status, Tam Cho (1999) hypothesizes that the turnout of the foreign born will be lower than that of the native born because members of the former group have less experience and exposure to the American political system, which makes voting a more difficult task: For the native-born, past political experiences provide an understanding of American government, party politics, the voting process, etc. For the foreign-born, past experiences may not have provided the same familiarity with democratic political processes in general, and will not have created familiarity with American politics in particular. (p.1144) DeSipios (1996) counterargument challenges naturalization as a key factor for determining patterns of political participation. He tested the idea that naturalized citizens develop through the naturalization process a greater propensity to behave as good citizens (Bass & Casper, 2001). He studies three effects of naturalization on political behavior: organizational participation, ethnic organization participation, and electoral participation. According to Pantoja, Ramirez, and Segura (2001), DeSipio found that native-born and naturalized Latino citizens have comparable levels of political activity. Furthermore, Verba and Nie (1972) explain the ramifications of the Socio- Economic (SES) Model of Participation by identifying money, education, and civic attitudes as determinants for participation. The standard SES model of participation posits that the greater the resources an individual possesses, the more likely he or she is to engage in sociopolitical activities. This is because higher SES individuals are said to have better interpersonal skills, more social interactions, and greater access to avenues of participation, all of which purportedly lead to higher levels of involvement on political and community affairs (Roger, Bultena, & Barb, 1975; Verba & Nie, 1972; Marschall 2001). The literature coincides with my hypothesis that native-born Latinos possessing higher levels of education and income will most likely be strongly familiar with the political practices within American society. As aforementioned, previous studies have measured Latino political participation using voting and registration rather than including a multiplicity of factors to evaluate political behavior on the whole. Not only does electoral participation represent just a small subset of possible political behaviors in which individuals engage, but Americans actually participate more in various local organizations and activities than in state or national political activities or groups (Verba, Schlozman & Brady, 1995). We will improve the theoretical rigor of our models of participation by studying [the] variety of political acts and how [they] change over time; focusing on voter turnout alone as discrete acts structured by the electoral calendar offers no such advantage. We must therefore shift the focus of our study to alternative forms of participation (Leighley 1995, 181). I anticipate that native-born Latinos according to their socioeconomic status and age are more likely to participate politically than their naturalized counterparts. Native-born Latinos are already acclimated to the political processes within the American system. Familiarity, in this case, causes the native-born Latino to be more apt to participate in any activity that is politically oriented whether a conventional method such as voting or an unconventional method such as protest or demonstration. Data and Methods The analysis in this paper is based on the data from the Pew Hispanic Center/Kaiser Family Foundation 2004 National Survey of Latinos: Politics and Civic Participation/Engagement (PEW). Randomly conducted by telephone between April 21 and June 9, 2004, the nationally representative sample included 2,288 Latino adults, 18 years of age or older. Latinos were identified based on the question Are you, yourself, of Hispanic or Latino origin or descent, such as Puerto Rican, Mexican, Dominican, Cuban, Central or South American, Caribbean, or some other Latino background? The PEW Study represented the first time that Latinos gained greater attention due to an upcoming election and their remarkable population growth. Candidates, political organizations, and the media paid a greater deal of attention to Latinos in 2004 compared to previous election years. In order to better understand how the Hispanic population, both voters and non-voters, viewed the political choices facing the nation, the Pew Hispanic Center and the Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation collaborated on an extensive survey of adult Latinos. This is the third of a series of such collaborations. The first National Survey of Latinos of 2002 also examined political views as well as range of attitudes regarding ethnic identity and the assimilation process while the second survey, conducted in 2003, focused specifically on education. The sample design contained a highly stratified disproportionate sample of the forty-eight contiguous states. The first section of the survey focused on the views of Latino registered voters on a range of issues and concerns that were pursuant to the occurring political campaign. The next section explored some of the differences in characteristics, attitudes, and civic participation among Latino registered voters, those who were eligible to vote but had not yet registered, and the large share of Latinos who were not U.S. citizens. The final section examined Hispanic views on a question that has risen to prominence each time the United States has experienced a substantial influx of immigrants: Is there a single American culture? The survey was conducted in English or Spanish according to the respondents request. The results were weighted to represent the actual distribution of adults throughout the United States. Overall, the PEW was the most recent, nationally representative sample composed of a heterogeneous pool of Latinos. The questions within the PEW allowed for a new theory of what may be considered political participation instead of presenting only the traditional questions used repeatedly by other existing data. To critically understand the data found within the PEW, I analyzed two linear regression models: one for naturalized Latinos while the other pertained to only Latinos born in the United States. I ran these models using Stata Statistical Software: Release 8 (2003). Dependent Variables Political Participation I use eight dichotomous variables to determine whether one is politically participatory or not. Within the index created for political participation I include whether one donates to political campaigns, attends political party functions, organizes or attends meetings or demonstrations, and contacts elected officials. I also factor in whether the respondent is registered to vote and if he or she has ever voted. Lastly, I include whether one pays attention to politics and government to determine whether he or she politically participates. For each variable incorporated into the index of political participation, the answers of yes and no were already available within the data. Originally, these responses were coded as 1 for yes and 2 for no. I created a dummy variable replacing the no response with 0. In order to rid of Dont Know responses and refusals, I recoded each variable which changed these into missing values. Eliminating such responses not only removed certain individuals from particular questions, but also extracted these respondents from the overall sample size. Table 1: Questions Included in Index of Latino Political Participation Question Name (Survey Abbreviation Incl.)Variable NameQn8 Do you pay attention to politics and government?Attn2govtQn11a In the past year, have you contacted any elected official, or not?ElectedoffQn11b In the past year, have you contributed money to a candidate running for office?DonatedQn11c In the past year, have you worked as a volunteer for a political candidate?VolunteerQn11d In the past year, have you attended a public meeting or demonstration?MtgdemQn11e In the past year, have you attended a political party meeting or function?PartyfuncQn18 Are you currently registered to vote at your present address?Reg2voteQn48 Have you ever voted in an election in the United States?Evervoted Table 2   SHAPE \* MERGEFORMAT  (low) (medium) (High)  Consequently, each of the eight dichotomous variables included in the index for political participation allowed for the respondent to score from 0 to 8. In this study, 0 meant that the respondent failed to politically participate. A score of 8 meant that the respondent not only answered yes to each form of political participation but also that he or she showed high levels of political participation. Above is a depiction of respondents and their corresponding scores. Independent Variables Nativity Status Based on previous research and the aforementioned, ongoing debate between DeSipio and Tam Cho, I contend that nativity status has a direct effect on the likelihood that an individual will politically participate. Within this study, the measure of nativity is dichotomous indicating whether one is native-born or naturalized. In this research, I examine whether naturalized or native-born Latinos are more or less likely to politically participate while controlling for other socio-economic and demographic factors. Education I argue that Latinos with higher levels of education are more likely to participate in the political process. Individuals with education are more likely to be informed and pay attention to government in order to actively participate. Income I maintain that higher levels of income are likely indicators of political participation for Latinos. Individuals with higher levels of income have a vested interest in the political workings of society and therefore are more likely to participate. If immigrants do not achieve economic success, there are real implications for their assimilation into social and political life. To determine whether income truly had an effect on political participation, I recoded the question of income to reflect whether an individual self-reported income as above or below fifty thousand dollars. Originally, the data allowed for income to be categorized in the following three ways: (a) less than thirty thousand dollars, coded as 1; (b) thirty thousand dollars, but less than fifty thousand dollars, coded as 2; (c) fifty thousand dollars or more, coded as 3. Instead of controlling for income in three possible ways, I combined the first two responses, both reporting values of less than fifty thousand dollars, into one group and recoded these answers as 0. The remaining response, fifty thousand dollars and above, was recoded as 1. Time in U.S. Measured in years, time in the United Sates is a determinative factor of whether a naturalized citizen will politically participate or not. Length of time in the U.S. is an important factor to consider when analyzing political participation among naturalized citizens because it is associated with the degree to which an immigrant may be assimilated. Naturalized citizens who have lived in the United States longer may have had more time to assimilate into their communities, to become familiar with the issues and candidates, and to develop their own set of special interests (Bass & Casper, 2001). I investigate whether time in the United States is associated with the likelihood of political participation. Gender Previous research suggests that women are lore likely than men to participate politically. Women become more invested in the United States political and governmental systems, while men remain less integrated and continue to rely on their old networks for many years after entering the U.S. In this research, I include a self-generated variable, female, in the naturalized and native-born models to measure political participation. To control for gender, I isolated females to evaluate their influence on my hypothesis. After generating a female variable, I recoded the original responses for gender where male is 1 and female is 2. In this case, 1 represents a female respondent while 0 represents a male respondent. Here, there was no reason to account for Dont Know responses or refusals as no one was unsure or declined to answer. Age As a demographic factor, age has a positive influence on electoral participation. As individuals become older, the important of participating politically grows in salience therefore explaining the increasing numbers of participation among the older electorate. In an effort to better understand which age demographic politically participated more, I transformed the multi-response question of age into a dichotomous or dummy variable. Answer choices reflecting age values varied from age eighteen to respondents fifty-five and older. Respondents that self-reported themselves within the category of 18-29 years old and 30-39 years old were recoded as 0 while those that fell into the categories of 40-54 years old and 55+ were recoded as 1. In like manner to the variables explained earlier, I had to account for the missing values due to refusals. Accordingly, both models included the multivariate index for political participation. Whereas the model specifically for naturalized Latinos contains variables for time of residence in the United States and age, the native-born Latino model contains only age. By explanation, if one is born in the United States, his or her age is not inherently equal to his or her time of residence in the United States. However, for this study, time of residence is a variable pursuant only to naturalized Latinos within the survey. Findings model 1: Linear regression for naturalized latinos only One regression was run for naturalized Latinos only and is expressed by the following equation: Latino Political = A + b1 (education) + b2 (income) + b3 (female) Participation + b4 (years in the U.S.) + b5 (ages) To understand the propensity at which naturalized Latino citizens politically participate, Model 1 incorporates the time in which the respondent has resided in the United States. Table 2: Outcomes of Naturalized Latino Regression Only number of obs = 372 f( 5, 366) = 22.42 prob > f = 0.000 r-squared = 0.2345 adj r-squared = .2240 root mes = 1.4763 Latinopart2CoefficientP> |t|95% confidence intervalEducation.17770210.000.1048152.250589Incomes.52324090.004.169203.8772789YrsinUS.03722680.000.0235171.0509366Ages.40815710.029.0422679.7740464Female.00522030.973-.2987254.3091659_Cons.53731910.034.04180441.032834 Model 1 shows that education, income, and time of residence in the United States have a positive effect on Latino political participation. Thus, as education, income, and time of residence in the United States increase, Latino political participation does also. The variable for age also shows significance in its relation to Latino political participation. The values, both the coefficient and the P-value for female, however, suggest that being a Latino female, or Latina, is insignificant in relation to measuring political participation. In terms of confidence intervals in conjunction with P-values, the variables for education, income, and time of residence in the United States present a strong possibility that the coefficients shown are accurate measures of positive relationships between the independent variables and the dependent variable. Model 2: linear regression for native-born latinos only One regression was run for native-born Latinos only and is expressed in the following question: Latino Political = A + b1 (education) + b2 (income) + b3 (female) Participation + b4 (USborn) + b5 (ages) Table 3: Outcomes of Native-born Latino Regression Only Number of obs = 1167 F(5, 1161) = 41.07 Prob > f = 0.000 r-squared = 0.1503 adj r-squared = 0.1466 root mse = 1.6164 Latinopart2CoefficientP> |t|95% confidence intervalUSborn.34476110.001.1382523.55127Education.20743940.000.1595247.2553541Incomes.50866230.000.3014272.7158975Female-.17225810.072-.3600422.015526Age.76461090.000.5721033.9571184_Cons1.3316980.0001.0318261.631571 According to Model 2, the variables USborn, education, income, and age positively relate with Latino political participation. If one is born in the United States and education, income, and age increase, Latino political participation does also. The P-values respective to these variables show that the coefficients are highly accurate measures of positive relationships to the dependent variable. Furthermore, the results show that being a female Latino, or Latina, has no bearing on whether one participates politically and is therefore insignificant. The P-value, which is above its normal expected value of 0.05, allows for the suggestion that being female has no correlation with the rates at which Latinos participate. Discussion As aforementioned, I originally hypothesized that female native-born Latinos with higher levels of income and education would show higher rates of political participation. The survey data found within the PEW allowed for an index of political participation rather than relying upon the traditional forms of participation such as voting and registration. The PEW presented questions that included the possibilities of other forms of political participation. As a result, the PEW was helpful in examining whether or not Latinos participate beyond voting and registration. Contrary to my hypothesis, the baseline analysis shown in Models 1 and 2 indicates that being female does not have a significant influence on the level at which a Latino participates. Although earlier studies by Jones-Correa (1998) and Salvo and Ortiz (1992) suggest that gender is a determinative factor of participation, the findings presented here do not support their conclusions. The PEW had an even distribution of females to males; however, I maintain that the possible ways in which one could politically participate were still too narrow. In response to Leighleys (1995) argument to study a wider range of political activity, the PEW questions successfully represented a modernization in forms of participation. Although exceptional, the range of activities could still be broadened to include more modern forms of political participation such as the acts of visiting/creating a political action website or joining an online political organization. The inclusion of contemporary forms of participation could provide different outcomes accounting for individuals who only participate using only more modern approaches. Consistent with earlier findings by Kelley et al. (1967) and Shaw, de la Garza, and Lee (2000), Latino citizens with higher levels education are more likely to politically participate. Among naturalized citizens, education is a strong predictor of political participation; those with at least some college have odds of participating that are more than twice as high as those with a high school degree or less. Education allows the Latino electorate to be well-informed as a whole which encourages a desire for political participation. In addition, income is a strong determinant of whether or not a Latino will participate. As depicted in regressions for Models 1 and 2, higher levels of income show a positive link to the political workings of society. In this case, the Latino respondents income would drive him or her to be politically active due to his or her vested interest in the outcomes of political processes. Controlling for income has allowed for the suggestion that political participation is directly affected by the socioeconomic status of the Latino. In accordance with DeSipios (1996) argument to highlight the demographic variable, age, Models 1 and 2 showed age to be significant in measuring levels of Latino political participation. Overall as age increases, the desire and necessity to be included in the political process grows as well. Furthermore, the odds of political participation are generally higher for Latinos who have been in the United States for longer periods of time. As earlier studies have noted, Latinos who have resided in the United States for considerable amounts of time are more likely to become accustomed to the practices of political behavior. Here, time of residence in the United States, in relation to naturalized citizens particularly, was shown to be significant and is therefore a likely indicator of whether or not a Latino will participate. In concurrence with DeSipios (1996) findings, this study shows similarities between the levels of political participation for both native-born and naturalized Latinos. I maintain that the reason this study failed to show concrete differences between the two groups is because the sample of naturalized versus native-born was slightly inequitable. Finally, I assert that the results of this study may be attributed to the heterogeneous aggregation of Latino respondents. As noted by the Pew Hispanic Center (2004), Latinos within the survey are classified into three groups: registered Latinos; Latinos who are citizens of the United States, but not yet registered to vote; and Latinos who are not citizens. In a sense, respondents that lacked citizenship status were already unable to respond positively to certain questions. Thus, the number of respondents able to possibly self-report political activity was unfortunately mediocre. Conclusion I began this analysis with the inquiry that nativity status had an undeniable effect on Latino political participation. I concurred with the findings of previous research studies in suggesting that gender was highly determinative. The variables tested show strong significance in relationship to the dependent variable of Latino political participation. In both groups of Latinos, native-born and naturalized, as age, income, and education increase, political participation does also. Time of residence in the United States, a variable included naturalized Latinos exclusively, allowed for the suggestion that naturalized citizens who have lived in the U.S. for longer periods of time are more likely to politically participate. The variable for gender, however, proved to be statistically insignificant. In this particular study, women are no more or less than men to be participatory in the political process. Despite this outcome, the remainder of the findings shows strong support for my hypothesis. The findings reported in this analysis contribute to scholarship in many ways. First, because I created a broader definition of political participation for the purpose of analysis, political scientists must work incessantly to devise survey questions including modern forms of participation. Thus, individuals who may not participate in traditional forms will still be accounted for in spite of consistent technological advancement. Second, the findings support the notion that many Latinos in the United States lack citizenship status. Instead of analyzing Latinos as un-naturalized and doing no further analysis, future researchers must begin to understand why Latinos have the highest rates of un-naturalized citizens. Third, the results presented in this analysis destroy the ideas that native-born individuals are leading the Latino electorate. According to this study, native-born citizens are no more or less participatory than their naturalized counterparts. Until Latino naturalization rates increase, questions will remain unanswered with regard to accurate quantitative analysis of who participates and who does not. Finally, this analysis encourages political and social scientists to broaden their ways of thinking when examining Latino political behavior. We can no longer replicate the studies done on African Americans and other ethnic groups in hopes of being successful. Due to the heterogeneity of the Latino population as well as its recent emergence on the political scene, studies will only be conclusive if centered on the uniqueness of this group. Thus, understanding the Latino electorate will be an ongoing, recurrent process as political scientists and researchers construct new and improved methods of accurate assessment.   references Affigne, T., Avalos, M., Jackson, N. (1999) Persistence and Transformation in the American Hemispheres Racial Politics. Presented at the Annual Political Science Association. Boston: September. Bass, L.E. & Casper, L.M. (2001) What social and demographic factors predict who registers and votes among naturalized Americans? Political Behavior, 23; June. De la Garza, Rodolfo. (2004). Latino Politics. National Political Science Review, 7, 91-123. DeSipio, L. (1996), Making citizens or good citizens? Naturalization as a predictor of organizational and electoral behavior among Latino immigrants, Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences. 18, 194-213. ----. (1987), Social science literature and the naturalization process, International Migration Review. 21, 390-405. Garcia, F.C., Falcon, A. & de la Garza, R.O. (1996) Ethnicity and politics: evidence from Latino national political survey, Special Issue, Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences. Highton, B. & Burrus, A.L. (2002). New perspectives on Latino voter turnout in the United States. American Politics Research. 30, 285-306. Jones-Correa, M. (1998) Different paths: gender, immigration, and political participation, International Migration Review, 32: Summer. Kelley, S., Jr. Ayres, R.E. & Bowen, W.G. (1967), Registration and voting: Putting first things first, American Political Science Review 61:359-379. Leighley, J.E. & Negler, J. (1992), Individual and systemic influence on turnout: Who votes? Journal of Politics, 54: 718-740. Lien, Pei-te. (1994), Ethnicity and political participation: a comparison between Asian and Mexican Americans. Political Behavior. June: 237-264 Marschall, M. (2001). Does the shoe fit? Testing models of participation for African- American and Latino involvement in local politics. Urban Affairs Review. 37: 227-248. Pantoja, A., Ramirez, R., Segura, G. (2001) Citizens by choice, voters by necessity: Patterns in political mobilization by naturalized Latinos. Political Research Quarterly. 54: 729-750. Rogers, D.L., G.L. Bultena, and K.H. Barb. (1975) Voluntary association membership and political participation: An exploration of the mobilization hypothesis. Sociological Quarterly 16:305-18. Shaw, D., de la Garza, R.O. & Lee, J. (2000) Examining Latino turnout in 1996: a three- state, validated survey approach. American Political Science Journal. 44:332-40. Statacorp. (2003) Stata Statistical Software: Release 8. College Station, TX: StataCorp LP. Stokes, A.K. (2003) Latino group consciousness and political participation. American Politics Research. 31, 361-78. U.S. Census Bureau (2003). Census Bureau releases population estimates by age, sex, race, and Hispanic origin. (CB03-16). Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Commerce. Verba, S., K.L. Sclozman, H. Brady, and N. Nie. (1993) Race, ethnicity, and political resources: participation in the United States. British Journal of Political Science 23: 453-97. Verba S. & Nie, N.H. (1972), Participation in America. New York: Harper and Row.  Information regarding the explanations of previous surveys conducted taken from The Pew Hispanic Center, www.pewhispanic.org.  The complete explanation of the separate sections of the 2004 National Survey of Latinos: Politics and Civic Participation/Engagement was found at The Pew Hispanic Center, www.pewhispanic.org.  See Appendix A, Table 1 for information regarding the sample size and margin of sampling error.  Latino political participation also holds the variable name, latinopart2, as the total of all above the variables.  DeSipio (1996) tested the idea that naturalized citizens develop through the naturalization process a greater propensity to behave as good citizens. He hypothesized that these good citizens would be more likely to vote and participate in civic activities than would native-born citizens of the same social status. In addition, Bass & Casper (2001) consider nativity status to be the first step in examining electoral differences between naturalized and native-born groups.  See Appendix B, Figure 1 for residuals of naturalized Latino regression only.  Labels and names of variables were personally devised and do not reflect any variable or question labels within the PEW.  See Appendix B, Figure 2 for residuals of native-born Latino regression only  Labels and names of variables were personally devised and do not reflect any variable or question labels within the PEW.  Jones-Correa (1998) maintains that among Latin American immigrants, women draw on and become more invested in U.S. political and governmental systems, while men remain less integrated and continue to rely on their old networks for many years after entering the U.S.  Data collected by Salvo & Ortiz (1992) on the naturalization immigrants in New York found that women naturalize at higher rates than men.  The PEW data contained an even sample distribution of females and males, 1041 and 1247, respectively.  Bass & Casper (2001), Differences in Voting Between Native and Naturalized Americans.  The PEW included 1,291 foreign born Latinos and 991 U.S. born Latinos.  Taken from the Pew Hispanic Center website, www.pewhispanic.org.     A nativity scene?  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